ABSTRACT
Towards tho end of the Nineteenth Century, the (proving awareness of
Britain's isolation in Europe and the pressures ethno faced in the
colonial field,both in Africa and the European, led to a move by some
British
Statesman, notably Joseph Chamberlain, for a rapprochement with one
European Croat Power. Attempts were made to establish such a
relationship with Germany, but those failed because of the divergences
in policies and objectives of tho two powers, Britain, however,
succeeded for various reasons which have been made clear in the text, in
effecting" a rapprochement with France based on an understanding on
some reconcilable colonial interests in Africa. This understanding, tho
Entente Cordials of 1904 later led to a
closer alignment of Anglo-French, not only in Europe but also in Africa.
This had sorno relevance for Africa.
The partition had loft some unresolved questions such as frontier
rectifications and anomalies like extensive territories under weak
rulers Come of the frontier rectifications went beyond mere local
delimitations and they raised issues of territorial change, while the
territories of weak powers were under constant throat of despoliation by
their more powerful rivals. Xn resolving these problems, while it
tended to prefer tho maintenance of the territorial status QUO, the
attitude of tho Foreign Office was /proved by its appreciation of the
relationship between Britain and the two other Great Powers, Germany and
France. Thus, although irritations continued between France and
Britain, these never got out of hand; and Britain was able to overlook
some of the excesses france in certain areas, for example in Liberia.
With regard to Germany,
resentment against tho blackmailing tactics practised by Bismarck ami
the available rivalry between the two powers, engendered less generosity
or understanding from Britain On frontier -questions tho Germans always
seeded to be overstating their case; the question of tiffin Day or
ceding this territory to Germany was soon as strengthening the enemy Tn
1911, however, British support for Franco during the Agadir crisis
the criticisms which it evoked from radicals and liberals, led the
government to review its general policy, The strident cries of Germans
for a pl-oe in the sun found a responsive chord in Britain. There was a
foolinr that Germany had not had a fair chare of Africa, and, some
argued this was ono reason for her aggressive demands. It was suggested
that colonial concessions might evoke come flexibility in German caval
policy. Some, notably Lulu lfercourt, even hoped that the colonial
detente mi«ht lead be wider fields. The literature of the period was
full of Suggestions for the repartition of Africa in which the Just
demands of the powers could be satisfied and peace in Europe preserved.
The idea was to uoe Africa as a safety valve. Criteria. of Grey', policy
aid not induce th. Liberal government to Chang, the lives of its
foreign policy, out it Bad. a.mo mo-e to roach, an Undemanding with
Carmany. Britain was prepared to accommodate Germany in colonial matters
and to agree to n political formula, if Germany would modify its naval
policy. Eventually, there was no headway in the naval Political talk..
this proved wrong the assumption that an offer of colonial concessions
would Germany to modify her Kavy programme negotiations on a colonial
agreement, essentially the
revision of the Secret Treaty of 1890, ware pushed ahead hy Ilarcourt'o
enthusiasm for an Anglo-German understanding. The experiment was not
easy to carry out| not on'y were there strong material reasons
militating against a colonial d.al or a re partition of Africa, hut,
more important, there were very strong objections in terms of general
policy and strategy, from various if ranee. Although this movement for a
re partition of Africa dooa indicate that, many people, including
Statesmen, believed that some of the somalis left the nineteenth Century
partition could he rectified,
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